October 1, 2020

The story of Joga Kunjam’s disillusionment with the Maoists

Devansh Mehta, Ramesh Kunjam, 1st October 2020

Soon after Joga Kunjam surrendered to the police in September 2019, his mother and sister in Gumiapal, Dantewada were given an ultimatum: Leave the village without your belongings and don’t come back. His mother showed some defiance and said she could not leave the village her husband had died in but was forced to pack up after a visit from Vinod Hemla, a divisional commander of the Maoists.

Joga Kunjam’s father had died when he was just 12 years old, and he credits his mother with helping him complete 12th grade in 2013. Since the Maoists came to his village in 2004, he had run small errands for them, such as bringing supplies to top leaders from markets. His disillusionment with their movement began after they refused to let him take up a job upon completion of his education, saying he had to stay back and fight for ‘jal, jungle and zameen’ (water, forest and land).

“I have been with them for 10 years, the (Maoists) want slaves to do their work. They want uneducated people who stay with them, educated people understand their game and leave them,” said Joga in an interview.

The breaking point came in 2019 when Joga was asked to meet a rich contractor and extort money from him.

“Then I understood this is a business, they are not fighting on principle but instead it is a business for them,” he said.

On 12th March 2019, he surrendered to the police after suspicions began getting raised when he repeatedly questioned their sources of money. He was soon inducted into the police force, and his mother and sister received the threatening visit after word spread.

“How would the Maoists feel if we forced their entire family to leave their village and go live with them? That would make them realize how inhumane what they are doing is.”

The story of Markam Ramesh

Diptendu Roy, Gavendra Deshmukh
1st October 2020

कॉस्ट ऑफ वॉर या युद्ध की कीमत एक कहानी श्रृंखला है।

यह कहानियाँ बस्तर की कई परतों को उधेड़ती हैं। यह सलवाजुड़ुम की ज़मीन और 55 हज़ार से ज़्यादा विस्थापित लोगों की आपबीती है। 40 साल से हिंसा झेल रहे जंगल और सरकारी आंकड़ों में 20 साल में हुई 12 हज़ार मौतों का हिसाब है। यह अपने संविधान में लिखे अपनी ज़मीन, अपने हक़ के लिए भटकता अबूझमाड़ है। यह कहानियाँ सड़क किनारे के शहरी और जंगल के आदिवासी समाज की दूरी है। सरकार के सौतेले पन, पुलिस की बर्बरता, पूंजीपतियों के कब्जे और नक्सली आतंक का कच्चा चिट्ठा है।

साल 2005 में छत्तीसगढ़ सरकार ने नक्सलियों के खिलाफ एक मूवमेंट चलाया सलवा जुडूम। सलवा जुडूम का हिंदी अर्थ है “शांति का कारवां”। हालांकि महेंद्र कर्मा (कांग्रेस नेता) को इसका जनक कहा जाता है। साल 2013 में नक्सलियों ने कांग्रेस नेताओं के काफिले पर हमला किया जिसमें कर्मा, नंद कुमार पटेल, विद्याचरण शुक्ल सहित कई कांग्रेसी नेता मारे गए। सलवा जुडूम अभियान में पुलिस ने ग्रामीण आदिवासियों को नक्सलियों के खिलाफ लड़ने के लिए तैयार किया। वे इन्हें SPO या स्पेशल पुलिस ऑफिसर कहते थे। इस पूरे मूवमेंट ने आदिवासियों को नक्सलियों और पुलिस के बीच फंसा दिया था। साल 2011 में सुप्रीम कोर्ट ऑफ इंडिया ने इस मूवमेंट को बंद करने का फैसला लिया।

लवाजुड़ुम के कारण भय का माहौल बना। क्षेत्र के आदिवासी घर छोड़ने को मजबूर हो गुए। कुछ सामाज सेवी संस्थाओं की रिपोर्ट के अनुसार लगभग 55 हज़ार आदिवासी अपने घरों से दूर आंध्रप्रदेश और तेलंगाना में विस्थापित हुए। इन्हें IDP यानी इंटर्नलि डिस्प्लेसड पीपल या आंतरिक, विस्थापित लोग कहा जाता है।

अपने घर और जंगलों से दूर आदिवासी दूसरे राज्य में केवल जीवन यापन भर कर पा रहे हैं। विस्थापन के 15 वर्षों बाद भी इन्हें मूलभूत सुविधाएं नहीं मिल पाई हैं। स्थानीय लोगों ने अब तक इन्हें स्वीकारा नही है। हाल ही में तेलंगाना विधानसभा में विस्थापित लोगों को राज्य से निकाले जाने की बात की गई है।

मरकाम रमेश बताते हैं कि 2005 या 06 की एक सुबह 4 बजे उनके गांव में पुलिस वाले आए। मन में पुलिस को लेकर भय पहले ही था, पुलिसके आने की ख़बर से गांव के सारे पुरुष भाग कर जंगल एयर पहाड़ों में जाकर छुपे। कुछ लोग दूर से गांव को देख पा रहे थे। पुलिस ने गांव को घेर लिया था। 10 बजे सारे पुरुष वापस आए, तब तक पुलिस जा चुकी थी। लौटने के बाद उन्होंने महिलाओं से पूरे मामले की जानकारी ली। महिलाओं ने बताया: पुलिस ने सभी को सलवाजुड़ुम में शामिल होने कहा है। शामिल न होने की शर्त में जहाँ दिखे वहीं मार देने की धमकी भी दी है। पुलिस वालों ने 6 घरों को आग भी लगा दिया था। यह गांव वालों के लिए भयावह स्थिति थी।धीरे-धीरे गांव के लोग गांव छोड़कर पहाड़ों और जंगलों में झोपड़ी बना कर रहने लगे, वहीं थोड़ी ज़मीन देख खेती भी करने लगे।

कुछ दिन ऐसा ही चलता रहा, पुलिस की दखल भी अब बढ़ने लगी। पुलिस ग्रामीणों को वर्दी पहना कर मर दिया करती थी। मारने के बाद हाथ में हथियार थमा दिया जाता था। पुलिस के बयानों में वह मुठभेड़ में मारा गया नक्सली होता था। पुलिस की फाइलें तैयात हो जाती थी।

कुछ दिन बाद पुलिस गांव में दोबारा आई, इस बात भी वे काफी संख्या में थे। पिछले बार की तरह इस बार थोड़े आक्रामक तरीके से सलवाजुडूम में शामिल होने कहा गया। इस बार पुलिस ने पूरा गांव आग के हवाले कर दिया, एक ग्रामीण की गोली मार कर हत्या भी की।

इस दौर में पुलिस अगर किसी ग्रामीण पर केस फ़ाइल जरती थी तो वह अपने को सुरक्षित महसूस करता था। पुलिस द्वारा मारे गए ज्यादातर लोगों पर कोई केस नहीं होता था। जबकि केस वाले लोगों से सिर्फ पूछताछ की जाती थी। शायद पुलिस या सरकार की फ़ाइल में न होने वालों की मौत को छुपाना आसान रहा होगा।

रमेश ने इंजराम और दोरनापाल के आस पास लोगों को नदी में फेंकने कि घटना का भी दावा किया। वे बताते हैं कि पुलिस ग्रामीणों को नदी के पास ले जाया करती थी। बलपूर्वक उन्हें बोरे में ठूंस दिया जाता था, बोरे की सिलाई कर उन्हें नदी में फेंक दिया जाता था।

रमेश ने भी इस बर्बरता को करीब से देखा है। उनके परिवार के 2 सदस्यों को भी पुलिस ने उठाया था। वे दोनों रमेश के मामा थे। उन्हें गांव से दूर ले जाकर उनके ऊपर पैरा (धान की मिंजाई के बाद बची घास) डालकर उन्हें जलता छोड़ दिया। जब तक कोई पहुंचता तब तक वे पूरी तरह झुलस चुके थे।

जोगा मंडावी जो अब कन्नापुरम तेलंगाना में रहते हैं। वह भी 2006 से गांव छोड़कर यहां रह रहे हैं। उनके के दो बड़े भाई आज भी छत्तीसगढ़ के अपने गांव में रहते हैं। जोगा बताते हैं जब सलवा जुडूम अपने चरम पर था, उनके भाई और जीजा जी को पुलिस ने नक्सली बताकर मार दिया। इस घटना में पुलिस ने कुल 6 लोगों को मारा था। जिसमें तीन उनके गांव के थे बाकी तीन दूसरे गांव के। यह सभी गांव में रहकर खेती करते थे। उन्हें पुलिस ने गांव से उठाया, एक दिन थाने में रखकर उन्हें थाने से दूर ले जाया गया। दूर जंगल में पुलिस ने सभी 6 लोगों को मार दिया। इस घटना ने जोगा को पूरी तरह से तोड़ दिया था। वे आए दिन नक्सली और पुलिस की लड़ाई में पीसते लोगों को देख रहे थे। ऐसे में घर से दूर रोज़ी-रोटी का इंतजाम ही जोग के लिए बड़ी उपलब्धि थी।

ऐसे कितने मरकाम रमेश और जोगा मंडावी इस हिंसा की कीमत चुका रहे होंगे। रेटिना और फ्रिगरप्रिन्ट तक का हिसाब रखने वाली डिजिटल सरकार के पास इन विस्थापितों की सूची भी नहीं है। इनके पुनर्वास के लिए कोई चर्चा ही नहीं है

“The Naxals killed my uncle by tying him with ropes and using sticks to beat him to death”

Devansh Mehta, Ramesh Kunjam
1st October 2020

At 9 pm on 26th December 2016, the Maoists came for Budhram Mandavi. Nearing 50 years old at the time and unmarried, Budhram was beloved in the village and served as a cook in the village school. Accusing him of being a police informer, the Maoists came under the cover of darkness and brutally killed him as an example to the other villagers.

 

A photo of Budhram’s identification documents

“We all felt scared after (Budhram) was killed. We are stuck in a hole with Maoists on one side who can make us go cold at any moment, and the police on the other who can throw us in jail at any time,” said Dhansingh Padami, the Patel (chief) of the village Budhram lived at.

Budhram is survived by his nephew, Ramesh Mandavi. According to government policy, the next of kin should receive Rs. 500,000 (USD 6500) as muazza (compensation) for death at the hands of the Maoists. However, despite their best efforts, the money hasn’t come even 4 years after Budhram’s death.

“I have already spent 4000-5000 trying to get the compensation money, I have gone to the SP, collector, the Barsu thana (police office) and even the Dantewada courts,” says Ramesh Mandavi, appealing to the government for providing him the long overdue compensation.

“Vinod said they had made a mistake and should not have killed Mittu”

Devansh Mehta, Ramesh Kunjam,
1st October 2020

The Maoists usually give 2 warnings to a person before killing them. As a result, when Mittu Markam left for Hiroli to meet the Maoists on 1st July 2020, he had no expectation that he would be seeing his wife for the last time.

“Mittu said he would be back by evening. At around 3 pm, we got a call from his big brother in the village, saying his car is by the side of the road and he did not know where the Naxals had taken him,” said Bhime Markam, who had been married to Mittu Markam for over 20 years.

Ms. Markam then went to Hiroli with her 3 children, aged 16, 13 and 11. They searched for an hour before finding his body in Hiroli.

“They had killed him and thrown his body on the side of the road. His legs and hands were tied and his neck was slashed,” recalled Ms Markam.

Mittu Markam had worked hard to create opportunities for his family. Prior to 2016, he lived in their village of Madakamiras in Kirandul, Dantewada. However, he was determined not to let this affect his children’s education.

“My father picked me up and dropped me everyday to a private school 10 kms from our village, just so I could have a good education,” remembers Sonu Markam, now in 7th grade. Sonu now lives with his mother Bhime at an accomodation provided by the National Minerals Development Corporation (NMDC), where Mittu had worked for the last 5 years prior to his murder.

Even after shifting to Kirandul (the nearby town) after getting this well paying job, Mittu would regularly return to his ancestral village for festivals and holidays. He freely shared his wealth with the other villagers, according to his wife, even sponsoring a big vessel that was used as a communal plate for villagers to eat out of during festivals. His wife believes that his newfound success aroused the envy of other villagers, who conspired to have him killed. She believes that a local militia leader named Kailash had Mittu killed, with the implicit approval of the local commander Vinod Hemka. A team of journalists later asked Vinod the reason for Mittu’s murder, to which he admitted making a mistake.

“What good is it to say sorry after killing my husband? They should have at least tied him up before killing him in such a hurry,” said Bhime Markam, tears welling up in her eyes.

In line with the wishes of Mittu Markam, the family does not want the incident to affect the education of their 2 younger children. However, this is proving difficult as NMDC has asked them to vacate their accommodation as Mittu no longer works for them, in which case they would have to return to their village where education standards are abysmal.

The collector of Dantewada assured us that a separate accommodation would be given to Bhime Markam for the remainder of her life. Bhime is also hopeful for the future as her entire family has pulled together in this time of crisis. She plans to get the one government job legally due to her as a victim for her eldest child, who has completed 12th grade so that he can support the 2 younger brothers in completing their education fully.

“After killing my brother, all they left behind was a red flag”

Devansh Mehta, Ramesh Kunjam
1st October 2020

At 10:30 pm on February 3rd 2018, Manoj Podiyam heard a noise outside his house. Thinking that someone was damaging cars parked outside, he got up from his bed and asked, “who is there?” These were his last words as Maoists surrounding his house answered with a hail of bullets that killed him and left behind only a red flag as their calling card.

“They killed him in front of me. My sister who was living with us also got hit in the leg after a bullet ricocheted from the wall,” said Savita Podiyam, who was married to Manoj and had a 1-year-old daughter at the time.

Manoj Podiyam was a driver and also took up contracts for building roads. His brother Sukhlal Podiyar thinks he was killed for building a road near Toylanka, which the Maoists did not want constructed. After the murder, 2 laborers working on the project fled back to their home state of Jharkhand, leaving the road uncompleted to this day.

As the primary breadwinner of the family, Manoj’s murder had deep ramifications. All the 4 other brothers decided to leave their hometown and live elsewhere due to fear, and Sukhlal had to quit his education and work on the family farm and take up driving assignments to make ends meet.

In the year after Manoj’s death, his wife Savita experienced financial issues and took up a job at a government hostel in the nearby town, where she has been living for the last 2 years. She has also received the Rs. 500,000 (USD 1650) compensation given to the families of victims, which she has put in a fixed deposit until the need arises to spend it for their only daughter’s education or marriage.

“They killed my husband because he got a bridge made”

Devansh Mehta, Ramesh Kunjam
1st October 2020

Ratna Kodiyam was elected as sarpanch in 2015. Less than a year later, her husband Dharmendra Kodiyam was killed by Maoists. “They first surrounded the house and then told my children to run away before tying and putting a cloth in my mouth, while killing my husband with a knife,” said Ratna Kodiyam, who is still based in the village of Turempara near metapal in katekalyan. Police had killed one of the Maoists a few months earlier and the killing was viewed as retaliation on the grounds that Dharmendra was a police informer. However, Ratna believes Dharmendra was killed for pushing the district administration to make a bridge, which provided easy access to their village.

The Maoists killed Dharmendra on 15th December 2016 at 7 pm, while he was making food in the kitchen for the family (according to their culture, women do not cook on the days they have periods). Ratna had a good working relationship with her husband, who would often represent the problems of the village before the district administration while she would liaison with the villagers to understand their needs.

Ratna’s term as sarpanch concluded in 2019. She received Rs. 500,000 (USD1650) as compensation money upon her husband’s murder, which has been put as a fixed deposit until her kids need the money for higher education. However, despite approaching the government 4-5 times, she has still not been given a job in the local administration, legally due to all victims of Maoist violence.

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